1. Skip to Menu
  2. Skip to Content
  3. Skip to Footer>
Place Your ad here Place Your ad here Place Your ad here Place Your ad here Place Your ad here Place Your ad here Place Your ad here Place Your ad here Place Your ad here Place Your ad here Place Your ad here Place Your ad here Place Your ad here Your ad here Your ad here Your ad here Your ad here Your ad here Your ad here Your ad here Your ad here Your ad here Your ad here

More than just car insurance !

Posted by: ivan.mifsud in Ivan Mifsud´s Category

Tagged in: Untagged 

On 1 March 2011 the Court of Justice of the European Union (EUCJ) decided Case C-236/09; a preliminary reference case dealing with equal treatment in the insurance industry. Maybe I am mistaken, if so, whoever reads this article is free to correct me, but it seems to have come across in the media as a blow to women who are now going to have to pay higher car insurance premiums. Women may have been charged less insurance premium, prior to this judgement, because they were regarded as lower risk. Now, thanks to the EUCJ, they will have to pay as much as men because this distinction is declared illegal.

In actual fact this judgement is not a blow to women, and may have further reaching repercussions than car insurance.


 

The Maltese Parliament at the moment is passing a new law on Restorative Justice (Bill No. 73). This Bill, once made law, will introduce parole to Malta for the first time. In my opinion, it is an interesting and challenging law, which I hope will yield the desired results, in the interests of all of Maltese society.


 

At the moment, Maltese authorities are – amongst other things - considering whether to allow the freezing of embryos, and whether or not to introduce divorce. Arguments in favour and against, rage back and forth. Pro-family, pro-marriage, pro-life, pro-Roman Catholicism, etc., etc. Hard decisions to take, the more so in a traditionally conservative country.
 
As I follow the pro- and anti- arguments in both debates one phrase keeps echoing in my head: ‘the interests of the child’.


Professor  Kevin Aquilina’s article ‘What’s so special about the Special Prosecutor’ was delayed by the temporary suspension of updates to this e-journal.  In the meantime, the world obviously kept on turning and events kept happening, amongst them the civil uprising in Tunisia. By sheer coincidence, minutes after I re-read Prof Aquilina’s article with a view to posting it online, I came across an article on Reuters stating Tunisian economy to be purged:

Tunisia's economy will be purged legally of the grip of overthrown president Zine el-Abedine Ben Ali's extended family, and is well placed to flourish, a leading Tunisian economist said on Monday.

Moncef Cheikhrouhou, forced to sell his shares in a family press group to a relative of the president and go into exile in 2000, said a commission created by the Justice Ministry would unravel assets acquired through nepotism and corruption.


Bill No 57 entitled the Permanent Commission Against Corruption (Amendment) Bill is intended to amend the Commission for Corruption Act, chapter 326 of the Laws of Malta. It was published in The Malta Government Gazette on 8 October 2010. Amongst other things, this Bill proposes the appointment of a Special Prosecutor. After having read this provision I conclude that the term ‘Prosecutor’ is nothing but a legal misnomer and the Special Prosecutor is not a Prosecutor at all, at least as understood in ordinary parlance.


 
I understand a Prosecutor to be that public officer who charges persons before a court of criminal jurisdiction. One may add to this conception of the term any person who charges another or other person/s before an administrative authority which can inflict administrative sanctions of some sort. But the Special Prosecutor is none of this sort. So what is exactly his/her role and what makes him or her special when compared to other Prosecutors?  
The Executive Police enjoy certain powers which the Special Prosecutor does not have in his/her arsenal: the Police can arrest a person, they can search and seize property, they can charge persons in court, etc. But the Special Prosecutor has none such powers. The vexata questio thus arises: what makes the Special Prosecutor special when compared to the ordinary prosecutors – the Police and the Attorney General?
 
It appears that the Special Prosecutor is special because s/he does not carry out the duties of a prosecutor. This seems to be the distinguishing feature. What the Special Prosecutor does is that s/he:
 
(a) makes a report to the Executive Police on any act or omission which, if proved, could constitute a corrupt practice but it is the Executive Police who shall make such investigations on such report and proceed thereon in accordance with the provisions of the Criminal Code or any other law applicable thereto;
 
(b) where the Commissioner of Police fails to act on any such report, the Special Prosecutor is entitled to challenge the Commissioner before the Court of Magistrates but does not have the power to carry out the investigation him/herself;
 
(c) the Special Prosecutor is entitled to make a report in accordance with article 546 of the Criminal Code on any matter relating to a corrupt practice but once again s/he does not enjoy any investigating powers;
 
(d) the Special Prosecutor has in any prosecution on any corrupt practice the same rights as those accorded to the injured party. But should the Special Prosecutor be considered on the same footing as an injured parties? Is s/he not supra partes and should s/he not enjoy an independent and impartial status when compared to the rights belonging to the other parties – the Prosecution (the Police and the Attorney General), the Accused and the Victim? Should not the functions of a Special Prosecutor be more akin to those of an Inquiring Magistrate?
The word ‘prosecutor’ as used in the Bill is in fact a misnomer for, as seen from the above listed functions, the Special Prosecutor does not carry out any prosecutorial duties. This is perhaps what makes his office ‘special’. I find the powers of the Special Prosecutor lacking. I would have preferred if the following measures were taken instead:
 
(1) The Special Prosecutor should be an independent judicial officer – a Judge or Magistrate – who enjoys security of tenure and is independent of the Government, the Police and the Commission against Corruption.  
(2) During his/her tenure of office of Special Prosecutor, the appointed Judge or Magistrate shall not carry out any other judicial function.
 
(3) The Special Prosecutor should be appointed by the President of Malta on the advice of the Chief Justice for a period of five years and should be chosen from amongst Magistrates. Such term of office may be renewed as aforesaid by a further one term only.
 
(4) The appointed Magistrate may be removed from Special Prosecutor by a two-thirds majority of the House of Representatives on the conjoint recommendation of the Commission for the Administration of Justice and the Constitutional Court.
 
(5) The Commission against Corruption should be done away with and its powers vested in the Special Prosecutor.
 
(6) The Commissioner of Police shall take orders from the Special Prosecutor when the latter is investigating corruption offences.
 
(7) Where an act of corruption is proved, the accused shall be condemned by the appropriate court to the appropriate punishment in terms of law. The accused shall also be condemned to pay to the Accountant General such amount of money which is lost in terms of revenue to Government as the court of criminal jurisdiction may liquidate by way of compensation.
 
(8) Any money obtained through an act of corruption shall be forfeited in favour of the Government. The same procedure shall apply to relatives and friends of the person convicted to whom the latter might have transferred or donated his or her assets.  
(9) Until these properties are forfeited, the Special Prosecutor may request the court hearing the corruption case to issue an order to attach all the said money. In certain cases, property should also be attached and forfeited.
 
(10) All corruption cases shall be prosecuted before all courts of criminal jurisdiction by the Special Prosecutor. The Attorney General and the Police shall provide their assistance to the Special Prosecutor in such cases.
 
(11) Squandering of public money by state officials shall be considered a criminal offence. In such cases the Special Prosecutor should be empowered to institute criminal action against any public official, including the President of Malta, the Prime Minister, Ministers, Parliamentary Secretaries, Permanent Secretaries and all public officers and employees of public corporations, government foundations, government owned companies, and agencies of the Government. No person shall enjoy immunity from such an action.
 
(12) The burden of proof to demonstrate that the money or property in question has not been obtained through an act of corruption shall rest on the accused.
 
(13) The Special Prosecutor shall have the right to request any information from banks, Government (central and local) and other institutions which might assist in providing evidence for the prosecution of the offence of corruption. These institutions shall be required by law to provide such information on pain of criminal prosecution being instituted against those persons who do not collaborate in achieving the ends of justice.
 
(14) Offences of corruption shall not be time-barred.
 
These are only a few ideas which can be adopted by the new law. It is not the intention of this short contribution to carry out a detailed study of how the law should be improved. However there is still time to learn from experience gained in foreign jurisdictions in dealing with the scourge of corruption. One augurs that our Members of Parliament will look up these foreign laws with a view to ameliorating the present Bill which, in my opinion, leaves much to be desired in its current state in so far as the Special Prosecutor is concerned.

 










































26 November 2010. Regrettably, owing to other pressing professional commitments, this e-journal will not be updated for the time being.

I hope to get back to updating the website, with the help of articles contributed by colleagues and friends, in a few weeks time, after, amongst other things, I return from an overseas seminar. Very importantly, I have to also finish preparing the rest of the lectures on Ombudsman Legislation (University of Malta, LLB 3rd Year): some aspects require more research and planning on my part but I hope that the students will benefit from this exercise.


Australia’s first saint to be canonised, Sr MacKillop (1842-1909), was briefly excommunicated in 1871 for denouncing a paedophile priest. More recently, in 1998, Paul van Buitenen’s whistle blowing contributed to the resignation en masse of the EU Commission presided by Jacques Santer. Paul van Buitenen paid a heavy price for it at the time, in terms of his career. These examples seem to justify calls for whistleblowing legislation: such civic-minded people should be protected from retaliation.


Furthermore, by enacting Whistleblowing legislation, the law maker is clearly encouraging people to muster a sense of care for the general, public interest, which benefits from the exposure and eradication of corrupt acts and other wrongdoings. They are encouraged to pluck up the courage to point out and bring to light the wrongdoings of colleagues and superiors, although they have nothing to gain themselves, because the bigger, general good will be increased that way. In a subtle way, the legislator is also introducing an element of ‘divide and rule’: by encouraging people to tell on others, it creates a sense of insecurity amongst potential perpetrators: they cannot be sure that their subordinates / colleagues will not tell on them.
 
Does this make the Maltese Whistleblower Bill (MGG 08.10.10) a good one? The legislator's raison d'etre is certainly good: no steps should be spared in the fight against wrongdoing; every weapon in the armoury should be availed of in this regard.
 
As a law, it seems to be well thought out too. Not original; it seems to be heavily based on the English Public Interest Disclosure Act of 1998. Nothing wrong with that, as far as I am concerned. There is little point in trying to reinvent the wheel. In my opinion, the Bill is to be commended:


i. the definition of 'employee' for example, is wide, covering former employees, service providers and volunteers too (art. 2);
ii. wrongdoers cannot turn whistleblower to save their own skin (art. 5);
iii. the whistleblower's identity is protected (art. 6);
iv. the judicial remedies, including interim, and the granting of damages that actually extend to moral, seem adequate (art. 7);
v. the requirements of good faith, reasonable belief and absence of personal gain are fair criteria (art 9);
vi. the directing of protected information to specific entities for processing (Sections 2 & 3) is also a plus: not just any entity should be allowed to handle protected information. Whistleblowers should follow the pre-established procedure if they wish to claim immunity under this Act;
vii. the idea of having a two-step system of disclosure, and subjecting external disclosure to at least attempting internal first, is prudent: wash the dirty linen outside only as a last resort (art 15);
viii. the imposition of sanctions is a must and makes the law effective (art. 19);
ix. annulling clauses in contracts of service that seek to circumvent Whistleblowing legislation is also a plus (art. 21).
 
 
On the other hand:
 
i. why the exclusion from 'employee' of 'work or service performed in a professional capacity when such work or service is not regulated by a specific contract of service' (art 2) ? ;
ii. similarly, and subject to the Professional Secrecy Act art 6A(c) which in itself permits the disclosure of information to prevent offences etc, why specifically exclude information protected by legal professional privilege from 'protected disclosure' (art 10)? this way the wrongdoer can always trust his lawyer to not tell on him, and is ensured a fair trial should the matter come to court (precisely because he can trust his lawyer not to turn on him) ; on the other hand if the legislator wants to make things really difficult and uncertain for wrongdoers and potential wrongdoers, why not tempt lawyers to break ranks with their clients, just like employees are encouraged not to bear their superiors' secrets?
iii. art. 11 may require clarification: first it prohibits anonymous disclosures from protection, then it goes on to regulate the manner in which anonymous disclosures are to be processed. Personally, I would draw a line and require that whistleblowers must identify themselves or not have their case dealt with at all. Subject, of course, to article 6 on protection of identity;
iv. art. 12 '(1) Every employer must have in operation internal procedures for receiving and dealing with information...' seems a bit unrealistic for Malta, given the small size of the majority of local businesses (the bulk of businesses fall in the 'micro' category and employ up to ten persons only). Who out of the handful of employees is to take responsibility under the Whistleblower Act (receive the information, not divulge the identity to the superiors, etc.)? To be fair, the legislator catered in art. 14 (a), for situations where there are no internal procedures for whistleblowing in place. Presuming that the head or deputy head is not the person on whom the whistle is to be blown of course. An alternative could be to allow small businesses to create pools i.e. to appoint one independent 'whistleblowing reporting officer', to serve all the members of the pool;
v. the penalties in art. 19 also seem a bit low. Up to three months and / or a fine of up to 1,200 Euro, for being followed persistently, or having one's family threatened, strikes me as insufficient deterrent. To this I add that article 19 echoes closely the Criminal Code, articles 251A – 251C (on harassment) but, while the imprisonment term is similar, the fines in the Whistleblower Bill are lower. What the legislator had in mind, and why the penalties are not the same as in the Criminal Code, is not clear;
vi. the inclusion of the Ombudsman to receive external disclosures concerning activities of a Voluntary Organisation (Schedule) is unusual, given that the Ombudsman's jurisdiction is limited to the Public Sector. A possible alternative could be the Commissioner for Voluntary Organisations.
 
On a completely different level, while I understand the reasoning behind enacting a Whistleblower Bill, I cannot help but wonder whether having such a bill at all is, to an extent, self-defeating. The more I read about protection, interim orders, damages including moral, possibility of being pursued or having my family threatened, the more I realise how risky whistleblowing is and how much trouble a person can get into for taking such a courageous move. This awareness about the possible consequences of whistleblowing was probably lower before the legislator spelled them out in a Bill, attached to a promise of protection. Now potential whistleblowers might ask why do something for the common good, and then possibly end up in court seeking interim orders, suing for damages, etc.? Is it not better to just keep quiet? Without this law, those who wanted to undo wrongdoing would have done so anyway, come what may. And worked their way around the consequences, just like Sr MacKillop (whose excommunication was retracted) and Paul van Buitenen (whose career suffered only temporarily). With this law highlighting the risks, might people actually be more cautious and actually blow the whistle less than before?


























Another summer has passed in a flash; as the Courts of Justice commence a new forensic year, the StateCareAndMore.eu e-journal is resuming its work too. Like the Honourable Members of the Maltese Judiciary, we never really stopped over the summer months; as the judgements written over the summer are handed down this month, we are happy to present the fruit of our own summer work, namely a new section called 'Court Library'. This section was made possible firstly thanks to the Rector of the University of Malta, Prof. Juanito Camilleri, who accepted our request to sponsor a student worker during the summer months to do research. The student, Ms Annalies Azzopardi, who graduates LLD this November, summarised no less than ninety-seven local court judgements under the supervision of Prof. Kevin Aquilina, and organised them according to topic.

 

These ninety-seven court judgements all concern Public Law, and cover topics such as judicial review of administrative action, natural justice and governmental liability. Annalies in our opinion did an excellent job over a mere ten weeks, but the stark reality is that the StateCareAndMore.eu Team has in its possession several hundred judgements on natural justice, judicial review of administrative action, governmental liability, employment-related issues, respect for fundamental human rights, etc., etc.. When we manage to find another sponsor, we will continue from where we are now leaving off.


StateCareAndMore.eu has teamed up with a young but very professional estate agent to help any of its readers who may be interested in buying or leasing property.

If you are in the market for property, you are invited to click on the new banner on our front page, fill in and send the form. No obligations and no fees will be incurred as a result of this. Your personal details will be retained as fully confidential, apart from the estate agent to whom we will pass on your details. Readers who fill in the form will be informed when the details are being passed on to this particular estate agent. They will also be informed about who will be contacting them as a result of their having filled in the form.

Click here to go to the banner (front page top left)


Last week StateCareAndMore.eu carried an article about a person who successfully challenged a clause in a contract, that a deposit was ‘not refundable’ (‘The right to have a non-refundable deposit returned’). Maybe some of our readers wondered how come the inclusion of such a report, on an e-journal dedicated to citizens’ rights and the State’s duty to care for its citizens?

The answer to this simply that there are other actors apart from the State, who can interfer with citizens’ rights. The citizen dons many caps in his / her daily life. One of them is that of a consumer, and as such interacts with businesses. There are large, powerful business entities, and smaller ones. None of them are being presented by StateCareAndMore.eu as evil. They are service-providers, the motors of the economy; they create jobs and generate wealth. Society could not operate without businesses. On the other hand, it is felt by StateCareAndMore.eu that there is no harm in occasionally presenting some reports on consumer rights and related issues. It is felt that there is more to raising awareness about citizens’ rights than fundamental human rights and respect for the rule of law. The court report presented a scenario that many of us are likely to face in our day-to-day lives, whether buying a car, or ordering furniture, or any other item. The Court’s message is that even if the deposit is ‘non-refundable’, this condition is qualified. We felt that this was an issue of general interest, so we covered it too, even though the State was not directly a party to the case.
 
Another consumer-related matter caught my attention this week. It concerns a particularly popular chain of fast food outlets. A US consumer group is threatening the food chain with court action unless they put an end to their practice of enticing kids to buy their meals by offering free toys. This consumer group’s executive director explained ‘I’m sure the industry’s defenders will blame parents for not saying ‘no’ to their children. Parents do bear much of the responsibility, but multi-billion-dollar corporations make prents’ job nearly impossible by giving away toys and bombarding kids with slick advertising’.
 
As a parent myself,  I know what this consumer group is talking about. I also concur with the ‘multi-billion’ description: these are private entities with money and resources easily surpassing those of the government of a small State.  On the other hand, this article is not intended to cast a bad light on the particular food chain (or any other business for that matter). However, we are here talking childrens’ welfare and parents’ rights. I would also expect the outcome of such an action to affect not only the US market but to have global ripples, including locally. If free toys with these meals are banned in the USA, why not locally too? One to watch out for, in my opinion. To read the press release go to
http://www.cspinet.org/new/201006221.html .
 
As for the State, of course it is always there lingering in the background. It passes laws, including legislation aimed at consumer protection. Consumer rights are the fruit of the State in its role as regulator. It is also dispute-resolver, upholding the position of the party that is in the right (for example ordering the return of the deposit that the car dealer took to be his own by right). I am confident that it will be there to uphold the position of the US consumer group, if proved to be the correct position that is.  


  • «
  •  Start 
  •  Prev 
  •  1 
  •  2 
  •  3 
  •  4 
  •  5 
  •  Next 
  •  End 
  • »

Newsflash

The Blog system at StateCareAndMore is the place to view if you want to be informed about our views and opinions.